After the setback of Naxalbari, Karimnagar and Adilabad the
peasant movement was started in
Andhra Pradesh by 1978. During this time, the Party decided
to organise a ”Go to Village Campaign”
in 1977. Accordingly, in 1978 in Telangana, Coastal areas of
Andhra Pradesh, youth and students
from Andhra Pradesh Students Union and Radical Youth League
along with Party Professionals
organised political schools for 10 days in the shape of ”Go
to Village Campaigns”.
At the village level, a democratic revolution against feudalism was the agenda and
appeals were made to the villagers through pamphlets, posters and rallies. There were a strong
contradiction between feudal lords and
peasantry in the shape of a class struggle. A perspective
was needed for a protracted people’s war
towards a liberated base.
According to the planning in Dandakaranya (Adilabad, East Godavari
and Visakha agency which were
earlier all under Dandakaranya, now with the spread of the
movement, for the strategic point of view
the Adilabad, East Godavari and Vishakha are separated from
Dandakaranya) to build liberated zones
for which purpose 7 squads went out.
Here after entry of the squads, in Warangal, Khammam and
Nizamabad class struggle had intensified
along with Karimnagar and Adilabad. Under the squads
leadership class struggle developed in
Dandakaranya. In 1984 a committee i.e., Forest Liaison
Committee was attempted to made in
Dandakaranya for the co‐ordination of the movement. In 1987,
a state level committee was elected,
but due to absence of a central level committee it worked
under the Andhra Pradesh state committee. After the formation of present Dandakaranya, I
mean in 1995, there is a forest committee called Special Zonal Committee.
In Dandakaranya, the four districts i.e., East, Adilabad,
Bastar, Gadchiroli had different situation as in
different states there were different levels of
exploitation.
1. In Adilabad, in the gond adivasi areas, there were
mahajan, who through their usury practices,
charged high rates of interest and grabbed peasant
land.
2. In Gadchiroli there was not that much exploitation from
money lenders, but it came from the
forest department. Along side there were other
contradictions, but the primary one being the state
versus people.
3. In Bastar, there was land problem. Here there was
contradiction within the people as well as from
the forest department. There was lesser exploitation than
Adilabad. Tribals, though they were
divided into classes, yet contradictions here were not as
sharp as in Telangana plain areas. There was
a class society here, but due to the tribal traditions,
unlike plains exploitation, the Mukhia/Manjis
exploitation was less sharp, the main contradiction thereby
being state versus people.4. Visakha/East Godavari – here both contradictions
i.e., landlords versus people and state versus.
people was perceptible. In terms of the land problem and the
contradiction between Mukhia and the
people, one may say that the tribal chiefs always use to
keep the best lands under their position and
the people only had the less fertile land. So in 1987, the
Party gave a call for land distribution leading
to struggles.
It was in this period that people were being mobilised and
state intervention also increased.
Comrade Peddi Shankar was first martyred in Gadchiroli in
Moinbinpet, then after the squads
attacked and the repression also intensified with people
being arrested. There were differences in
the levels of preparation in different region, but
nonetheless repression was common in the East and
Adilabad and somewhat less in Bastar and Gadchiroli and the
Party had to advance breathing state
repression.
Mass organisations started being built initially there were
peasant organisations where women also
took part, later separate women organisations were also
built for their emancipation. One of the
prime issues around which the party mobilised the people was
regarding labour rate for tendu leaf
collection. In this backward area, the contractors used to
pay at a much lesser rate than decided by
the government.
Against this, 1981 onwards the party started
building up large mobilisation. Later, the party also mobilised around the issue of feudalism and
the mahajan’s exploitation in this area. In this way, the party carried forward the bright history of
the struggles of Srikakulam and Naxalbari.
The 1/70 Act that had prohibited non‐adivasis from buying
land in the adivasi area was largely a farce
because already by then thousands of acres of land had been
acquired by the non‐tribal rich
peasantry or the landlord. Bitter struggles were led in
Adilabad and other areas over this issue of
land. It was during this time that forest land of thousands
of acres were also being reoccupied under
the party’s leadership as the class struggle
advance.
Repression also was going hand in hand as in 1981 April, the
state police mercilessly fired upon the
Indravelli meeting where many were martyred. But in spite of
repression, the movement advanced
progressively. So, in various areas mobilisation and
struggle were launched on various different
issues like forest land, labour rate for paper mill works,
mahajan exploitation and so on.
Till 1985, in many areas the struggle had expanded and
therefore the state in order to repress the
rising movement made bigger plans to crush it, particularly
in Andhra Pradesh in the shape of
undeclared war on people. Around the same time, in the
Dandakaranya belt I mean Andhra Pradesh
part too police repression started leading to great losses
in the form of indiscriminate encounters
and arrests. But the movement advanced in Dandakaranya breathing
this repression.
Specially under the Dandakranya committee and the Andhra
Pradesh committee the movement to
seize patta lands intensified in 1991. And as the momentum
built around the land issue, repression,
torture, elimination of squads was plan in tandem by the
state.
(Here the text is corrupt:
The movement advanced and even expanded by 1990 facing all
kinds of onslaught by the state and
finally the Central Organising Committee. The Central
Organizing Committee dissolved, the members
ultimately forming the People’s War group....was
formed.)Particularly, if you look at the Gadchiroli movement, adivasi people
were to be mobilised in vast numbers.
This eventually invited hundreds of arrests even of
intellectuals by the Maharashtra police.
By 1993 the peasant movement and women movement had
intensified along with the development
of the Party and huge mobs amounting to thousands were being
mobilised. Sharad Pawar, the then
chief minister, launched a large scale repression to
encounter the people. Within one year, 60
members were martyred. Simultaneously, in Bastar too state
repression and encounters were on the
rise. And eventually, both in AP and Maharashtra repression
intensified.
In this context, in East Godavari and Vishakha more than 106
villages were burnt here and
atmosphere of white terror was created. At many places,
Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee
and Andhra Pradesh intellectuals tried to collect funds to
help the tribes as well as through sending
fact finding teams. N. T. Rama Rao, in spite of coming to
power with populist slogans, posing himself
as a democrat, and giving Lal Salam to the naxals, after
becoming chief minister continued the
rampant suppression and terror campaign like the earlier
governments.
The movement advanced towards a liberated zone after the
party came here and gave calls for
people’s war. But it was only in 2000, that the decision of
building people’s war was taken more
concretely by the party and since then the developments in
guerrilla war had intensified at rural level
and the revolution had taken to lead in the correct
direction.
The Cchandrapulla Reddy group with which comrade Jan Myrdal
had been acquainted in 1980, split
into Prajapantha and Janashakti. The later again split into
Pratighatana and Prajapratighatana. As of
now, some groups of this faction are there here and there.
New Democracy turned into a legal party
and took the revisionist party line. It had one seat in the
Assembly election. At present even that was
lost. Janashakti, after the severe repression had suffered
losses as well. But thereafter retarded in
line.
Prison – Another battle ground for Revolution
The multi‐pronged attack of the state has been there to
eliminate our strategic leadership and for
this purpose the government had taken many plans. Largely
their plans has been to use fake
encounters. Some of the arrests if they had been in a public
area where encounter could not be used
for elimination, the drama and court and judiciary was
orchestrated. With the complete collusion of
both state and centre, the entire judicial machinery and
penal provision are in a pathetic condition.
Particularly, Maoist prisoners face a lot of repression and
torture to the extent of being kept in chains
more than 24 hours, or in single cells by court order. The
condition is largely similar in Maharashtra,
Chattisgad, Andhra.
The later however, has relatively better
jails and court system while inhuman conditions prevail in the rest. Particularly in Maharashtra,
where there are hundreds of jails, squad members, party members, militia as well as state committee
members remain behind bars, some for even 3‐5 years without trial. Chandrapur, Amaravati, Nagpur
and Bombay being the most notorious. In Chaattisgarh – Raipur, Durg, Jagdalpur and Bilaspur are
the most notorious whith more than 500 Maoists ranging from Politbureau, Central Committee,
Divisional Committe and other comrades in jail. Other than in Andhra Pradesh, where there are some
lawyers with pro‐people, most lawyers in other states are appendages of the police system
only. In terms of basic facilities, like food and, drink the
condition inside jails is pathetic. To keep psychological pressure, they don’t allow communication from
outside.
Male and female inmates are kept separate and provisions like pen, paper etc. are
denied. In terms of the condition of jails and the duration of arrests, there is co‐ordination between
different states and once the stipulated dates of confinement comes towards a close, inmates are shifted to
other states with new charges. Prisoners are not allowed to meet their relatives who are harassed and
sent back. Letters from outside had not delivered and prisoners have no right to right letters to
his own correspondents. The party for
instance wrote several letters to the five comrades jailed
in Bhopal but in the last 3 years, not even a
single letter reached them. Even though some of the
prisoners released, they are rearrested using
section 110. The surrendered people in Gadchiroli, were put
back in prison in this way.
More remarkably, the Area Committee member of Gondia
division had been released 5 times from
prison and each time he was put in jail again. And there are
half‐a‐dozen such cases. Comrade
Madanlal, State Committee member, Maharashtra, was kept in
Chhattisgharh, where after he was
transferred to Maharashtra and after the stipulated time,
again he was brought back to
Chaattisgharh with 14 new cases.
Cases are not being heard. I and Comrade Arun Perera in
Nagpur jail, where we were in hunger strike
for 27 days, finally forced the High Court to give orders to
speed up our cases. But still after 2 and
half years, even after being acquitted from the main cases,
and the stipulated time till 16th
December, Arun Perera has been put back with 8 to 10 more
cases.
Right now, due to advancement of the class struggle, mass
struggle and civil liberties struggle in
Andhra Pradesh, one can see some difference in the scenario,
however there is no basic difference in
the nature and character of the state. For the problems
faced by the ordinary prisoners and Naxal
prisoners, a forum had been built under whose leadership
several movement were launched. When
the Congress government gave release orders on which Telugu
Desam Party put a stay order through
High Court, this move was vehemently resisted by Maoists and
Janashakti prisoners. It was because
of such struggle, due to which some difference can be
present in Andhra prisons. Again, there was a
struggle in September, October 2008 when several ordinary prisoners
died due to B1, B2 vitamin
deficiency in Warangal jail. The Maoist prisoners who had
won the right of separate kitchen, along
with Janashakti prisoners in their commune had better
dietary condition, but ordinary prisoners were
exploited in their food ration leaving to the death of 22
prisoners. An all‐jail strike call was given
giving to a big movement. There after 11 ordinary prisoners
from jail were disposed. There was
another movement in 2008 in Balimela, after the anti‐naxal
Grey Hound forces were ambushed. The
huge strike and movement finally forced the government to
acknowledge the hunger strike which
was only withdrawn after a delegation has been
sent.
Due to such movements, there is some advancement in the
condition of some of the jails, but the
rest remain in extremely difficult condition. Even the most
basic facilities are denied. While the
prisoners in Andhra Pradesh receive 40 Rupees. per day in
terms of court day funds, prisoners in
other states not even receive 20 Rupees. The rates being 10
to 15 years back. Particularly Maoist
prisoners are not only kept in false charges, but were also
tortured and kept in single cells. Even after
release, through inter‐state co‐ordination, they are
rearrested in front of jail doors and shuttled to
some other state. Even the legal and constitutional rights
are denied thereby rendering an extremely
difficult situation. At the all India level,
keeping in mind the repression on Maoists and Naxalite prisoners, we must fight
on a national level by even mobilizing ordinary prisoners.
Such mobilization can solve some issues.
During the elections, all parties accept the fact that
Naxalites are fighting for socio‐economic reasons,
but none of them after coming to power, accept the status of
political prisoners for them.
Central Committee members Comrade Vijayda, Comrade Barunda,
Comrade Shobadi and many
others are kept back even after bails. Comrade Barunda has
been kept back 3‐4 times and even
Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act cases have been put on
him on a date when Unlawful Activities
(Prevention) Act didn’t even exist. Comrade Shobhadi even
after her release from Rourkela case, was
kept back in Jharkhand. Comrade Vijayda after receiving bail
in Hyderabad case was again shifted to
the Raipur jail in Chattisghad and had spent 6 years in
jail. Presently he has been 70 years old.
Comrade Vijay, Comrade Chintan Kishore, Comrade Janardhan
and Comrade Ashutosh – all are
suffering in isolated cells.
All the democratic aspirations of state claims about become
farce when they come to Naxalites.
Comrades in Jail fight for even primary right, even on the
face of torture, Comrade Malati and
Comrade Geeta were brutally beaten up but still they
continued their fight bravely. False charges
were put on Nirmaladi where she was kept in Jagdalpur jail
against whom 139 to 140 cases. So much
so that the District Superintendent of Police even gave open
threats that there are many cases
against her that virtually give her life sentence. There are
around 40 cases against her husband.
Comrade Padma was arrested in Durg and was acquitted from a
murder case lodged against her, but
there were five new false case put upon her and she was kept
in Jagdalpur jail. Even the orders by
Supreme Court or High Court were never followed.
The situation is very painful in Andhra Pradesh, Bengal,
Bihar and Jharkhand. Comrade Srinivas
arrested in Andhra Pradesh, was tortured and both his hands
were broken. The judge callously
remarked that such things happen during interrogation. There
were 27 false cases against him,
including a charge of plotting when he was in jail. Comrade
Pandu Ranga Reddy, Regional Committee
member had 40 cases against him. There are 50 to 70 cases in
Andhra Pradesh, who have been in jail
for 3 to 4 years.
Such is the condition of judiciary that even lawyers coming
to the fore are being threatened and
obstacles are being put in the way of their promotion. There
is a fascist oppression launched in
Andhra Pradesh, while in other states conditions are more
overtly fascist. 5 comrades were shifted to
Tamil Nadu from Orissa by ridiculously linking them with the
Koraput raid. An Abdhra Pradesh lawyer
when he went to Bhopal, was badly harassed but when he
remained steadfast, the hotel owner was
threatened to clear his room. The colonial legacy that the
Indian state inherited has been intensified
over the years in its penal regime. In all states, there is
a common story where false cases are
launched and through pity warrant, court custody is asked
for. The judge being influenced and the
custody is easily taken. Thereafter, the person is taken to
another place to an excuse of investigation,
where he was forced to go interrogation. By the time he was
produced back in the court, he is put
back in jail with 20 to 25 cases.
Obviously the police has no confidence on its false cases.
After my arrest I similarly was produced in
court where the Director General of Police produced 21
cases. I was taken in the name custody and
was charged of large conspiracy and murder in the states of
Bihar, Jharkhand, Bengal and Karnataka.So another elaborate list was made where
not a single case was lodged in Andhra Pradesh. I was
even charged of the murder case in Jharkhand of Sunil Mahato
and the Crime Branch came to me for
interrogation, knowing fully well of my non involvement just
because he was asked by his superiors.
All these hurdles and weapons are being used as an obstacle
in the way of Indian revolution. It is an
all round conspiracy of the state. Even after the Supreme
Court had given orders that once a prisoner
has been acquitted of a list of cases, no new cases can be
put on him or her and even after High
Court has given orders for speeding up cases, none of them
are ever followed.
A virtual Police Raj and fascist system is at work,
particularly against the Maoist prisoners in jail.
Comrades are not even allowed to speak freely or give
statements. When my mother came to court,
she asked me to come home immediately. When I said to her
that I have been working for revolution
the last 30 years, and cannot come home abruptly, this was
flashed all over the media. So it is up to
the state to decide regarding the statements from the media.
In Andhra Pradesh or in other states,
***
The reason why Murali at the time of the interview had no
formal function is explained in Chapter 5
”Organizational principles of the party” in the Party
Constitution adopted by the unity congress 2004:
”i) If a member is arrested he/she shall be released of all
responsibilities and the membership will be
placed under observation. Depending on his/her behaviour
during the period of detention by the
enemy or in jail or after his/her coming out his/her
membership shall be continued/cancelled. If
continued he/she shall be admitted into the party committee,
which he/she belonged to prior to
his/her arrest unless the party decides otherwise.”
But as Murali was formally entrusted by the party to give us
the history of the early years of the party
this observation period seems to be over.
***
IV
Interview with comrade Murali. Comrade Murali was released from jail recently. He had before jail
been Politburomember of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in charge of the South West
Regional Buro.
This is an authorized transcript.
